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INSIGHT | Future of ANC–SACP partnership must not be jeopardised

Differences in tactics should not obscure shared long-term goals

Cosatu president Zingiswa Losi, ANC president Cyril Ramaphosa and SACP chair Blade Nzimande.
Cosatu president Zingiswa Losi, ANC president Cyril Ramaphosa and SACP chair Blade Nzimande. Picture: THULI DLAMINI Cosatu president Zingiswa Losi, ANC president Cyril Ramaphosa and SACP chair Blade Nzimande.

The alliance between the ANC and the SACP stands as one of the most enduring and influential partnerships in SA’s liberation history.

Forged in struggle and sustained through decades of repression, exile and internal debate, this relationship continues to shape the country’s political direction at a time of renewed scrutiny over strategy and leadership.

From the early 20th century, the ANC and SACP found common cause in opposing racial capitalism and colonial rule.

Contrary to long-standing claims that the Communist Party was an external imposition, its development was deeply embedded in African political struggles.

By the late 1920s, the party had become predominantly African in composition, with figures such as Albert Nzula, Moses Kotane and JB Marks at the forefront.

Recognition of this partnership came early.

In 1927, ANC president-general Josiah Gumede described the Communist Party as “the only party that honestly and sincerely fights for the oppressed people”, reflecting the shared experiences of workers and activists in unions, campaigns and mass mobilisation.

By the mid-20th century, co-operation had intensified.

The two organisations jointly shaped the Congress Alliance, co-founded Umkhonto we Sizwe in 1961, and operated in close co-ordination while maintaining organisational independence.

Their relationship, as articulated in The African Communist journal in 1976, rested on mutual respect for each other’s autonomy.

A defining moment came at the ANC’s 1969 Morogoro conference, which formalised the alliance’s strategic direction.

The conference affirmed that SA’s struggle was national in form but rooted in class realities, with leadership expected from the working class and oppressed African majority.

It also reinforced non-racialism as a core revolutionary principle.

Central to this framework was the concept of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR), aligned with the SACP’s two-stage theory.

First the defeat of apartheid and racial domination. Second, a transition toward socialism through the transformation of economic structures.

The South African Communist Party (SACP) has dug in against pressure from the ANC, instructing its members not to bow to demands to choose between the two organisations ahead of the 2026 local government elections. Speaking at a media briefing on Thursday, SACP general secretary Solly Mapaila said the party would shield its members from what it described as “bullying tactics” by the ANC. The remarks came as the ANC prepared to send letters to members holding dual membership after a national executive committee decision to enforce constitutional provisions barring members from joining or supporting another political party. Mapaila said the SACP would intensify, not retreat from, its independent political and electoral programme. “The answer to intimidation is not paralysis,” he said. The ANC’s move echoes the clauses used to terminate the membership of former president Jacob Zuma after he established the MK Party. Mapaila labelled the decision “regrettable” and a “serious anti-communist political move” that risks reshaping the character of the ANC and the alliance itself. He argued the directive amounts to a one-sided reinterpretation of the historic alliance, reducing it to a relationship of subordination. “It seeks to reduce a strategic relationship forged in struggle into a demand for permanent support without reciprocity,” Mapaila said. The SACP formally resolved in December 2024 to contest elections independently, a significant break from its long-standing electoral alignment with the ANC within the tripartite alliance, alongside the Congress of South African Trade Unions. Mapaila was unequivocal the party would proceed. “Our decision to contest the 2026 local government elections under our own banner will be implemented without fear.” He rejected the ANC’s stance as coercive, saying no genuine alliance could survive under ultimatums. The party has instructed members to remain disciplined and avoid unilateral decisions under pressure, warning against resignations or public declarations made outside party structures. “No comrade must submit to intimidation,” Mapaila said. At the same time he struck a measured tone toward the ANC, saying the SACP would not respond with hostility and would respect members who choose to remain solely within the governing party. The SACP has also directed its structures to provide support to members deployed in government who may be affected by the ANC’s directive, and to report any instances of intimidation or disciplinary threats. Mapaila framed the dispute as a distraction from deeper systemic issues. “The greatest threat is not that communists are contesting elections. The threat is the capture of the state and the erosion of working-class confidence.” He warned that declining public trust, voter disengagement and failing local governance, not internal alliance tensions, pose the real risk to the national democratic project. Party structures have been instructed to convene urgent meetings across provinces, districts and branches, while senior leaders will be deployed to manage the fallout. Political education campaigns will also be intensified to explain the SACP’s electoral strategy and its vision for local government. “The moment demands firmness, not hesitation,” Mapaila said. TimesLIVE

The SACP’s role has consistently been to ensure that political liberation is accompanied by meaningful economic change.

SA’s experience is not unique.

Across Africa and beyond, progressive forces have historically united, often overcoming ideological and organisational differences, to achieve common national objectives.

In Mozambique, the Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Frelimo) was formed in 1962 through the merger of three nationalist movements, namely, Manu, Udenamo and Unami.

This consolidation of fragmented forces created a unified liberation front capable of waging an effective struggle against Portuguese colonial rule.

Similarly, in Tanzania, post-independence political consolidation took place in 1977 with the formation of Chama Cha Mapinduzi.

This followed the merger of the Tanganyika African National Union and Zanzibar’s Afro-Shirazi Party, creating a single dominant political movement that has remained central to the country’s governance.

Latin America offers comparable lessons. In Uruguay, the formation of the Broad Front (Frente Amplio) in 1971 brought together socialists, communists, Christian democrats and other progressive groups into a single coalition.

Despite ideological diversity, the alliance enabled sustained political mobilisation and eventually electoral success, demonstrating the power of unity in advancing progressive transformation.

These examples underscore a consistent historical lesson that unity among progressive forces is often decisive in confronting entrenched systems of domination.

Recent developments, including the SACP’s decision to contest local government elections independently, have brought tensions into sharper focus

SA’s own liberation struggle was similarly strengthened by the ANC–SACP alliance, international solidarity and mass mobilisation rooted in working-class leadership.

Since 1994, the alliance has operated within a democratic constitutional framework.

Parliament has served as a platform for advancing progressive legislation and institutional reform, but it has also revealed the limitations of change within a capitalist system.

The SACP has long argued that parliamentary work must complement, not replace, grassroots mobilisation.

Reform without deeper transformation risks stagnation, while transformation without unity risks fragmentation.

Recent developments, including the SACP’s decision to contest local government elections independently, have brought tensions into sharper focus.

ANC first deputy secretary-general Nomvula Mokonyane has revealed that Luthuli House does not want to run the risk of its alliance partner the SACP making use of its resources ahead of the local government elections campaign. This follows a rift sparked by the SACP’s decision to effect a conference resolution to contest elections independently of the ANC. Mokonyane said Luthuli House has decided to be vigilant and safeguard the use of its deployees and platforms against any possible misuse. “The ANC is concerned about the possible abuse of the resources of those who are deployed as members of the ANC in public office. Hence in our guidelines that we shared with our members, we did emphasise that at no point should you be seen to be using the resources, to be fundraising, managing, strategising, communicating or representing any other political party using the platform of your deployment by the ANC.” Mokonyane said members had to appreciate that those actions might put them in a position where the ANC has to act against them. “We’ve seen it with the current by-elections where we were short-changed by those kinds of experiences. We do support the decision and believe that it is a proper decision which is in the best interests of the ANC, having learnt badly from the Umkhonto weSizwe (MK) party situation.” Mokonyane said Luthuli House will protect the resources and opportunities given to members for the good of the ANC. “There is nothing complicated about dual membership. Where we are, is that the ANC has gone out to brief its structures over the past weekend regarding how we then effect this clause in our constitution.” Mokonyane said there was no deadline for those holding dual membership. “We will only act and put the systems in place post these engagements. Our understanding and resolve with the SACP is that the issue is not about dual membership, it is about your responsibility as a member in the coming elections and in campaigning for one and the other party. “Members of the ANC and also of the SACP have always played a meaningful role in ensuring that the ANC comes out victoriously, including with this 40% electoral outcome.” According to Mokonyane, this is why the ANC has always warned about the implications of the SACP’s resolution. “We will have to then plan in anticipation of the impact of the resolution of the SACP on us.” However, the deputy secretary-general made it clear that the ANC does not expect anyone to relinquish their SACP membership. “Going into these local government elections, comrades must make a choice. Those comrades will be expected to make a choice that is good for themselves and the party that they would want to campaign for.” She insisted that this was not an anti-SACP fightback but rather a response to material circumstances. “The ANC is merely responding to a congress resolution of the SACP that predates 2026 and started in 2022. The difference now is that it is a congress resolution that the party says is irreversible.” TimesLIVE

Rather than signalling a complete rupture, this move reflects growing frustration over the pace of transformation, concerns about governance failures and a desire to reassert working-class influence.

Disagreements of this nature are not unprecedented.

Past moments of tension, including debates leading up to Morogoro, have often resulted in renewal rather than division.

History also offers cautionary lessons about factionalism driven by personal ambition.

Past divisions have frequently been fuelled by anti-communism, racial chauvinism and narrow nationalism, often used as tools for political advancement.

Such tendencies remain relevant today.

Whether expressed through populism or technocratic elitism, careerism poses a threat to the cohesion of the liberation movement.

The risk of internal division, long recognised, continues to demand vigilance.

At its core, the ANC–SACP alliance is not merely symbolic but strategic.

The ANC provides a broad national platform, while the SACP contributes ideological depth and class analysis.

Together, they form the backbone of the National Democratic Revolution.

Weakening this partnership would undermine the ability of the working class and the poor to influence SA’s trajectory.

SA has faced persistent inequality, high unemployment and uneven progress since the end of apartheid. In this context, the stakes are high.

Unity within the alliance must be preserved, but not without critical engagement.

Differences in tactics should not obscure shared long-term goals.

The challenge lies in renewing the alliance, strengthening grassroots participation and accelerating meaningful transformation.

The ANC–SACP partnership was forged under conditions of intense struggle.

Its future should not be jeopardised in a democratic era where the need for cohesive leadership remains as urgent as ever.

Andile Lungisa, ANC NEC member and former ANCYL deputy president